Bild, spiegel and glotze

A Chancellor on Duty Publishes His "Decisions" and mainly brusque his own party

There one still says, there was between Chancellor Merkel and her Vorganger no coarse difference. One difference is evident: Merkel is not a media chancellor. Sure, she sends her weekly video messages on her cell phone. You can download them or leave them. But Schroder could not be escaped that easily. This became clear this week, when the full-blooded politician, who retired more than a year ago, was suddenly back. As if he were still in the Federal Chancellery in Berlin-Mitte, he served Bild, Spiegel and Glotze. The reading tours through the republic to follow from Thursday.

Bild, spiegel and glotze

Quietly, he wants to start in front of Willi Brand’s monument at the SPD headquarters in Berlin. Whether the Social Democrats are so happy about that? Because they are the ones who are most punished by the quick revival of their former chairman. The media may also gloat over Schroder’s critical remarks about his successor’s style of government. They are primarily not in the book, but in the accompanying interviews interspersed and now really not uberraschend. Or did anyone expect the power man Schroder to have forgiven Merkel for inheriting him?? Also his jibes against his long-time party enemy Lafontaine are highly interesting from a psychological point of view. Those who so often affirm how little they care about their competitors involuntarily make the opposite clear. This also applies vice versa. If Lafontaine is now mocking the fee of 1 million that Schroder was willing to pay for his book, it may also be a sign of envy about the high market value of his competitor. As is well known, the fees Lafontaine collected for his Bild columns before he returned to politics were not exactly small either. But they were certainly not in the seven-digit range.

What was rather lost in all the media hype was the limited perception of the ex-chancellor. He accuses the chairmen of the IG-Metall and the service sector union ver.di to have contributed to his downfall through their opposition to Agenda 2010. Somebody is knitting a new dagger stave legend. In the Weimar Republic, monarchists and nationalists accused the adherents of the Republic, especially the Social Democrats, of being responsible for the outcome of the war through their opposition to the 1st World War.World War II, of having stabbed the army in the back and thus being responsible for the outcome of the war. But the majority of social democrats at that time had as little to do with the resistance against the war as the leadership of the trade unions has to do with the protest against Hartz IV today. In fact, it was broad parliamentary movements that took to the streets against Agenda 2010 in the summer of 2004. The unions were severely criticized there for their unclear stance. For their leadership was by no means opposed to this, but advocated a more social variant of the laws.

What is behind the attacks against leading trade unions, which have long been among the SPD’s alliance partners?? Once certainly a contempt for mass movements. Schroder apparently cannot imagine that a broad movement has arisen without the guidance of coarse organizations and their leaders. But Schroder, who is a man of power, is certainly also aiming at the future course of his party. In the course of the debate about the underclass, leading Social Democrats have just begun to distance themselves from the social policy of the Schroder cabinet, and have even spoken of the Hartz IV lifelong solution (From the underclass to the precarious precariat). If they do not contradict their ex-chancellor, who sticks to it, they are of course completely untrustworthy. But then the SPD can save itself future election campaigns in which it wants to unmask the Union as the party of the social cold. The ex-chancellor’s attacks on Frank Bsirske and Jurgen Peters will not improve the relationship with the unions, which has been strained for years.

Less surprising is the basta politician’s understanding of democracy. Thus he can explain the resistance against Hartz IV only with the fact that probably not exactly one listened, although he had explained the sense for the allegedly alternative-less measures frequently. Apparently, he can not imagine that many people protested against it, because they listened carefully and understood very well. By the way, this also applies to Schroder’s most recent statements. Rejoice over the "Decisions" of the media chancellor a.D. in the first place Union and Left Party. His own party is at a disadvantage. But she knows that from seven Schroder years too well.

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